Dossier of imperial rescripts of Hadrian and Antoninus
created: Publications; transcription (Reynolds); notes from Fraser given to Reynolds.
source date: 134-135 CE
language: ar; en; fr; de; grc; grc-Latn; el; he
availability: Creative Commons licence Attribution UK 2.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/uk/) All reuse or distribution of this work must contain somewhere a link back to the URL http://inslib.kcl.ac.uk/

Bibliography

[...], 77-90, whence [...], 1950.243, [...] 1951.122; [...], 32f, on which C.B. Welles, American Journal of Archaeology 56, 76; [...], 7f, whence [...], 1953.253, [...] 1953.120, [...], no. 7, pp. 96-99; republished [...], 113-5, whence [...], 1979.655, [...] , whence [...], 1980.573, [...] 28.1566, [...] 1979.636, [...], 120-124; [...] whence [...], 1983.480; [...], whence [...], 1999.614, [...] 1998.1500; see also discussion by [...], 181-3, [...], and, with bibliography, A. Blanco Pérez in [...].

θεόϲ Τύχᾳ Ἀγαθᾷ Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖϲαρ θεοῦ Τραιανοῦ Παρθικοῦ υἱόϲ, θεοῦ Νέρουα υἱωνόϲ, Τραιανὸϲ Ἀδριανὸϲ Ϲεβαϲτόϲ, ἀρχιερεὺϲ μέγιϲτοϲ, δημαρχικῆϲ ἐξουϲίαϲ τὸ ιθ, ὕπατοϲ τὸ γ , πατὴρ πατρίδοϲ Κυρηναίοιϲ χαίρειν ὁ ἄρχων τοῦ Πανελληνίου ἐφθάκει ἐπιϲτεῖλαί μοι περὶ τῆϲ ἀξιώϲεωϲ ὑμῶν ϲπουδάζων [...] τὰ δόξαντά μοι ἀντέγραψα καὶ ὑμεῖν ἔπεμψα τὴν προκειμένην ἀπόκριϲιν [...] Ϲαλούιοϲ Κᾶροϲ ὁ κράτιϲτοϲ ἀνθύπατοϲ εὐτυχεῖτε [...] δέχεϲθαι δεῖ οὐ μέντοι δίκαια ἀξιοῦϲιν τῶν αὐτῶν [...] γένοϲ Ἀχαιὸν καὶ ἀκρειβῶϲ Δώριον αὐτοὶ δὲ ἰθαγενεῖϲ [...]ον δὲ προϲεκτήϲαντο τὴν προϲαγορίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐπικρατ[...] τὴν πόλιν Κυρηναίων δὴ δύο ϲυνέδρουϲ πεμπόντων [...] Κεφάλαια ἐξ ἐπιϲτολῆϲ θεοῦ Ἁδριανοῦ προϲκειμένου δὲ Ἐπιτέλουϲ ἑνὶ ὅτι ἄρα ἐπεθεϲ[...] ϲυμφέρειν τῇ πόλει προυποϲυλλέγειν αὐτὸν ἐπι[...] ἀνάμνηϲιν τῆϲ παλαιᾶϲ ὑμῶν εὐγενείαϲ διεϲ[...]θωθήϲεϲθαι δοκεῖ ἐπέδωκέ μοι νῦν [...] πολυανθρωποτάτην καὶ καλλίϲτην πόλιν γένοϲ [...] μητρόπολιϲ καὶ τὰ εἰϲ τοὺϲ Ἕλληναϲ ἔργα αι[...] γέγραφα ὅτι καλὰ καὶ πρέποντα αὐτοῖϲ ἐϲτιν [...] εἶναι δίκαιον τὸ πρὸϲ τὴν μητρόπολιν ευ[...] καθεϲτῶταϲ τὴν ἐπικουρίαν παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων [...] ὡϲ μὲν βούλομαι πλῆθοϲ ἀνδρῶν παρὰ [...] πᾶν γένοϲ καὶ πολὺ δὴ μᾶλλον τὴν Κυρηναίων πόλιν [...] Κεφάλαιον ἐκ διατάγματος θεοῦ Ἁδριανοῦ βουλοίμην δ’ ἂν ὑμᾶϲ μὴ τῷ φόβῳ τῶν ε[...]ωϲ εἴξανταϲ καὶ ἀναμνηϲθένταϲ ὅτι αἰϲχρόν ἐϲτι [...]πόλιν διὰ χρηϲμοὺϲ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνοϲ ᾠκιϲμένην ἀναξίωϲ καὶ τ[...] τῆϲ παλαιᾶϲ διακειμένην ϲυνελθεῖν καὶ ϲυναυξῆϲαι τὴν ὑμετέραν πόλιν καὶ οὐ μόνον οἰκήτοραϲ ἀλλὰ καὶ οἰκιϲτὰϲ γενέϲθαι τῆϲ πατρίδοϲ πυνθάνομαι τὸ γυμνάϲιον ὑμῶν κα[...] μανθάνων πολλοὺϲ ἤδη παῖδαϲ τρεφομένουϲ καὶ αὐξανομένουϲ [...]ν μὴ ἐν τῷ κοινῷ γυμναϲίῳ ϲυναναφύρωνται τοῖϲ α[...] ἐφηβικὴν ἰδίᾳ εἰϲ ἣν φοιτῶντεϲ καὶ τὰϲ διατριβὰϲ ποιούμενοι [...] δωρεᾶϲ λήμψονται τὰϲ παρ’ ἐμοῦ διδομέναϲ ὃ μάλιϲτα ἀνανκαῖον ἦν ὡϲ ἠξιώϲατε ὑμεῖϲ αὐτοὶ [...] νομοθεϲίαν ἐποιηϲάμην, ἔϲτιν δ’ οὐδὲν νόμῳ πρὸ ὑμ[...]ων ἀφ’ οἵων ὑμεῖϲ κατοικιζομένην τίνεϲ δ’ ἂν νόμ[...] Λακωνικῶν καὶ τύχῃ τινὶ ἀγαθῇ τῆϲ Κυρήνηϲ [...] ἐν τοῖϲ Λακεδαιμονίοιϲ ἐπηνορθωκὼϲ τοὺϲ [...] [...]τηϲενϲ[...]νχωρα[...]ν[...] τέϲϲαρα Δωριέων γὰρ ἀνθρώπων [...] Λακωνικὴ ϲωφροϲύνη καὶ ἄϲκηϲιϲ [...] Ὁρῶ γὰρ καὶ διὰ τὸ γεν[...]ατω τῶν εκϲϲου[...]μην ὑμ[...] καὶ τη[...] νοι[...] [...]κ[...]ον πῶϲ ἦν τ[...] [...]ϲύνη τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν [...] [...]ϲ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ [...] [...] ὑμεῖν μὴ ἀποδέχεϲθαι [...] [...]αζε ϲπουδῇ [...] [...]υδιονιλο[...] κατοικίϲαντεϲ [...] [...]ο[...] [...] κἀγὼ πάνυ ἡδέωϲ ἀνεθέμην [...] καὶ τῶν δι’ ὑμᾶϲ ὑπαρξάντων [...] ὅϲοι ἄν ἐκ τῆϲ ὑμετέραϲ πόλεωϲ [...]ται παρ’ ὑμεῖν ἐργάϲονται λ[...] τῷ ἀνθυπάτῳ ὅϲοι αναλο[...] τεθνάναι δεϲμοῦ πρόϲτει[...] Κεφάλαια ἐπιϲτολῶν τοῦ κυρίου Ἀντωνείνου Βερνεικεῖϲ ἠξίουν καὶ ἀγορὰν δικῶν αὐτοῦ ἀχθῆναι προϲτεθῆναι μὲν οὖν ταῖϲ ἀγοραίοιϲ πάνυ ἐργῶδεϲ εἶναί μοι ἔδοξεν ὁ γὰρ ἀνθύπατοϲ ὥϲπερ ἴϲτε καὶ ὑμεῖϲ ἐπιμελούμενοϲ ὁμοῦ τῆϲ τε Κρήτηϲ καὶ τῆϲ Κυρήνηϲ οὐκ ἔϲτιν ἱκανὸϲ πλείω χρόνον διάγειν ἐν ὑμεῖν ἢ νῦν ποιεῖ ἀξιούντων οὖν τῶν Βερνεικέων παρὰ μέροϲ ἄγεϲθαι τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐν ἑκάϲτῃ πόλει ἀπεκρινάμην ὅτι αἱ νῦν τὴν ἀγοραίαν ἔχουϲαι πόλειϲ ἄδηλόν ἐϲτιν ὡϲ δέξονται τὸ μὴ κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἔχειν ὥϲπερ εἶχον ἀφαιρεθῆναι δὲ τοὺϲ ἔχονταϲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ δοθῆναι τοῖϲ οὐκ ἔχουϲιν ἀδικῆϲαί μοι δοκεῖ πλὴν εἰ μὴ ἄρα ὑμεῖν βουλομένοιϲ εἴην τὸ τοιαύτην κοινωνίαν καταϲτῆϲαι Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖϲαρ θεοῦ Ἁδριανοῦ υἱόϲ, θεοῦ Τραιανοῦ Παρθικοῦ υἱωνόϲ, θεοῦ Νέρουα ἔγγονοϲ, Τίτοϲ Αἴλιοϲ Ἁδριανὸϲ Ἀντωνεῖνοϲ Ϲεβαϲτόϲ, ἀρχιερεὺϲ μέγιϲτοϲ δημαρχικῆϲ ἐξουϲίαϲ τὸ ιζ, Αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ β , ὕπατοϲ τὸ δ, πατὴρ πατρίδοϲ, Πτολεμαιεῦϲι Βαρκαίοιϲι χαίρειν θαυμάζω ὅτι μηδέποτε ἐν τῷ ἔμπροϲθεν χρόνῳ διαπέμψαντεϲ ἀλλὰ ϲυνθύϲαντεϲ εἰϲ τὸν τῶν Κυρηναίων ἀγῶνα νῦν πρῶτον ἀπεϲτείλατε, οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖτε ὅτι τὸ τὰ τοιαῦτα καινοτομεῖν αἰτίαν παρέχει ταῖϲ πόλεϲι φιλονεικίαϲ ἐγένετο τοίνυν ἡ ϲυνθυϲία ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἔθνουϲ [...]ενα ἐπρέϲβευεν Οὐαλέριοϲ Παυϲανίαϲ ᾧ τὸ ἐφόδιον δοθήτω εἰ μὴ προῖκα ὑπέϲχηται εὐτυχεῖτε

[...] [...]α πρὸϲ [...] [...]ϲε εἰϲ τὸ [...]δεύονται [...]ιϲταμαι [...]λιπου[...] [...]ν [...]ϲ [...]

[In compiling the following notes on the reading we omitted earlier proposals outdated by discovery of the new fragments.]

[^a1: at 6: ἐφθάκει | ἐφελκει | ἐφολκεῖ]

[^a2: at 6: περὶ | Ι[...] | προτιμῶν | om.]

[^a3: at 7: προκειμένην | προ[...] [; Fraser in notes,πρo ?προμ]]

[^a4: at 9: αὐτῶν | αυτ | αὐτοφυῶν]

[^a5: at 10: Δῶρον | Δώριον [; Fraser, in notes, Δώριον]]

[^a6: at 10: ἰθαγενεῖϲ | ἰθαγενεῖϲ [; Fraser, in notes,ἰθαγενεῖϲ]]

[^a7: at 11: ἐπικρατ | Ἐπικρυ [ . . . | ἐπικρυ [ . . . [; Fraser, in notes,ἐπικρα[...]]]

[^a8: at 13: ἐπιϲτολῆϲ | ἐπιϲτολῆϲ [; Fraser, in notes, ἐπιϲτολῆϲ]]

[^a9: at 14: Ἐπιτέλουϲ | ἐπὶ τέλουϲ]

[^a10: at 14: ἐπεθεϲ[...] | ἐπέθεϲαν [; Fraser, in notes, ἐπέθεϲαν]]

[^a11: at 15: προυποϲυλλέγειν | ϲυλλ[...]έγειν | ϲυμφέρειν [; Fraser, in notes, ϲυλλ έγειν]]

[^a12: at 16: διεϲ | διε[...]]

[^a13: at 17: θωθήϲεϲθαι | θωθ[ή]ϲεϲθαι | θω θήϲεϲθαι [; Fraser, in notes, θωθήϲεϲθαι] [perhaps ἐπ’ἀγα θῷ etc.]]

[^a14: at 19: ἄρα πλείϲτουϲ [; Fraser, in notes, καὶ τὰ εἰϲ τοὺϲ]]

[^a15: at 19: εργλα [; Fraser, in notes, ἔργα]]

[^a16: at 22: ἐπικουρίαν | ἐπικουρίαν [; Fraser, in notes, ἐπικουρίαν]]

[^a17: at 22: Ἑλλήνων | θ[...] [; Fraser, in notes, Ἑλλη[...], perhaps Ἑλλα[...] from a squeeze.]]

[^a18: at 23: βούλοιμι [; Fraser, in notes, βούλομαι]]

[^a19: at 23: παρ[...] [; Fraser, in notes, παρά]]

[^a20: at 24: γένοϲ [; Fraser, in notes, γένοϲ]]

[^a21: at 24: πολὺ δὴ μᾶλλον | πολυδύναμον]

[^a22: at 24: Κυρηναίων | Κυρήνην [; Fraser, in notes, Κυρήνην]]

[^a23: at 26: παϲῶν [; Fraser, in notes, ὑμᾶϲ μή]]

[^a24: at 28: καὶ τ[...] | και[...] | κατεϲτραμμένην [; Fraser, in notes, κατά]]

[^a25: at 32: αὐξανομένουϲ | αυ[...] | αὐ[...]]

[^a26: at 36: ην | μήν]

[^a27: at 39: Κυρήνηϲ | Κυρήνηϲ [...]]

[^a28: at 40: μονίοιϲ | μονίοιϲ]

[^a29: at 44: γεν | γρ[...] [; Fraser, in notes, γιν[...]]]

[^a30: at 81: [ἀλλὰ] | [και]]

[^a31: at 81: [Κυρην]αίων | [Καπετω]λιων]

[^a32: at 81: [ . . . ]ενα | [ἀνὰ τὸν ἀ]γῶνα]

[Line 1-12] God. Good Fortune. Imperator Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus son of deified Trajan, Victor in Parthia, grandson of deified Nerva, pontifex [maximus], tribunician power for the nineteenth time [134/5 CE], consul [thrice], pater patriae, to the Cyrenaeans greetings. The archon of the Panhellenion has already [had occasion] to write to me [concerning] your claim [ . . . ] I wrote back what I thought and for you I sent (a text of) the reply pertaining thereto, [which my friend ?Salvius] Carus the clarissimus proconsul [will give you]. Farewell. [The Barkans? say that] one ought to accept [delegates also from them]. Their vindications, however, are not justified. [They aspire to] the same [rights as do the Cyrenaeans, whose] ancestry [away back was] pure Greek and specifically Dorian. They themselves [long ago were] aborigines [and not Hellenes for the most part. Rather] they acquired the classification from [ . . . ] city. With the Cyrenaeans sending two delegates [ . . .

[Lines 13-24] . . .

[ll.25-68]

[Lines 69-77]: Chief points from letters of our lord Antoninus: The Bereniceans requested that an assize should be held in their city; but it seemed to me difficult to add to the number of court-days, for, as you know yourselves, the proconsul, having charge of Crete at the same time as of Cyrene, is unable to spend more time with you than he already does. Since the Bereniceans request that the assize should be held in each city in turn, I replied that it is not clear how the cities which already have an assize will take it if they do not have it annually as in the past; for those who have it to be deprived of it in order to give it to those who do not seems to me to inflict injustice, unless the establishment of such a rotation were made with your consent.

[Lines 78-85]: The Emperor Caesar T. Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus, son of deified Hadrianus, grandson of deified Trajanus Parthicus, greatgrandson of deified Nerva, pontifex maximus, in the seventeenth year of his tribunician power [153/4 CE], hailed Imperator twice, consul for the fourth time, father of his country, greets the people of Ptolemais Barka.

I am surprised that after sending no earlier protest, but joining in the sacrifice for the games held by the Cyrenaeans, you have now for the first time despatched an ambassador; for you are not ignorant that this kind of innovation is a source of strife between cities; therefore common(?) sacrifice was established(?) for the whole province. Valerius Pausanias carried out the function of ambassador; travelling expenses should be paid to him unless he promised to pay them himself. Farewell.

[Lines 78-85]: Imperator Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrian [Anton ]inus Augustus, [son] of divus [Hadrian], grandson of divus Trajan Parthicus, greatgrandson of divus Nerva, pontifex maximus, tribunician power for the seventeenth time, imperator [twice, consul] four times, pater patriae, to the Ptolemais-Barcans, greetings.

[I marvel] that you, who in all the time gone by have never sent a delegation or shared in the sacrifice, have now for the first time sent representation to the contest of the [Capitolia]. For you are not unaware that the making of such innovations brings upon the cities the [charge] of contentiousness. Well, [the joint] sacrifice in behalf of the region's population did take place [during the] contest. As ambassador Valerius Pausanias served, to whom let the travel money be paid unless he promised to go at his own expense. Farewell.

Commentary

The original location of the monument remains a matter of conjecture. Its weight alone would suggest an original location not very far from the Valley Street where its pieces were found. Moreover it is not the only stone found re-used in this area which is concerned with the koinon. there is also a later inscription referring specifically to provincial affairs. Goodchild inclined to think that in the fifth century CE there were provincial meetings focussed on the area of the Market Theatre, which in fact stands beside the Valley Street; but as far as I am aware he did not seriously consider where they may have taken place earlier. It seems worth suggesting that it was in the Caesareum, less than 200 yards away, from which stones were demonstrably brought for re-use in the later phases of the Valley Street buildings; it had been devoted to the cult of Rome (and no doubt the imperial house) at least from the time of Augustus (For the dedication of the Caesareum to Rome (presumably with Augustus) see C.2); while its porticoes, great courtyard, basilica, temple and adjacent theatre were eminently suitable for the purposes of a provincial assembly. Only when the Caesareum was converted into a fort in the later third century was something else required .

Goodchild made a careful study of the pieces he found and drew a reconstruction of the whole stele (reproduced in Reynolds, op.cit. Pl. II) in which he located exactly all but one; this loose piece belonged, without doubt, in the area between lines 48 and 63 where too little of the text survives for any precision in interpretation.

P. M. Fraser (op. cit above published from a photograph a considerable but incomplete inscription comprising documents sent to the city of Cyrene by Hadrian (and possibly others during his reign). It seemed natural to relate them to the material and moral damage caused by the Jewish Revolt of CE 115-17, although Fraser thought that they had been inscribed much later. Subsequent discussion was concentrated mainly on the opening sections, concerned with representation in the Panhellenion .

The fuller version was published by Reynolds, op.cit, above) in 1978. The documents that it contains turned out to be more numerous than originally appeared and although diverse in content are linked by the point that all demonstrate the superiority of Cyrene over the other cities of the province. She is a metropolis, the venue of the governors' assize courts, the site of the provincial imperial cult; and when her position was challenged both Hadrian and Pius maintained it, even, perhaps, enhanced it. Clearly the inscription was cut to demonstrate this — and points stressed in earlier discussions, such as the problems of Cyrene after the Jewish Revolt, the importance of the Gymnasium, the membership of Cyrenaican cities in the Panhellenion, are incidental to the main purpose of the inscribing authority. In view of this it is extremely unlikely that the stele was ever erected in any gymnasium. It needed to be in an area frequented on those occasions when the citizens of other Cyrenaican cities assembled at Cyrene for meetings of the provincial koinon.

The first document, lines 1-78, is a letter of Hadrian to the people of Cyrene dated to CE 134/5, about two years after the foundation of the Panhellenion and, as Oliver (op.cit.) points out, at a stage when consideration of applications for membership must have taken up much of the time of its officers. Hadrian writes briefly to the Cyrenaeans on a subject on which he has been consulted by the archon of the Panhellenion, and apparently also, though later, by the Cyrenaeans themselves, though a Cyrenaean approach to the archon is probably implied as well. He has made a decision, incorporated in a rescript to the archon, sends an additional document to the Cyrenaeans and also refers to some action of the proconsul Salvius Carus.

The second document is a copy of a letter from Antoninus Pius to Ptolemais dated by his titles to 153/4. Again the general lines are absolutely clear. The Ptolemaeans, through their ambassador Valerius Pausanias, had asked for permission to hold an ἀγών in their city; Pius replied, apparently sarcastically, that they had hitherto been wisely satisfied to participate in the common sacrifice and ἀγών held at Cyrene, and were well aware that innovations of this sort carried the stigma of inter-city rivalry. The common sacrifice had been established for the whole province.

The dossier as it now stands — for all the gaps in the first document — is the major piece of evidence for the history of Cyrenaica in the mid-second century. All three cities which figure in it had, undoubtedly, suffered in the Jewish Revolt; but by 153/4 were, as we now see, struggling for status in the same way as the rich cities of Asia. Berenice and Ptolemais must have been wealthy enough to make their pleas for privilege plausible. They presumably calculated also on a reduction in the resources of Cyrene, but the emperors backed Cyrene, the traditional capital, and she was vigorous enough to hit back at her rivals in the publication of these documents.

It is also interesting for the light that it throws on provincial life and administration in a number of ways ; and not least because it includes two of the rare surviving instances of imperial decisions unfavourable to the applicants; cf. F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World (1977), 431 f., 436, 438 f., pointing out that the record provided by inscriptions is heavily biassed. Unfavourable decisions are likely to have been inscribed only when it suited a rival to publicize them, as here and in the instances that Millar cites from Coronea in Boeotia, IG vn. 2870, no. 1, and Aphrodisias (IAph2007, 8.31, 8.33).